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I am very pleased to be here this evening. I would like to take this opportunity to thank the Berlin Chamber staff for the active role the Chamber plays in shaping the German-American partnership. That partnership is very important. There is a unique history that binds Germans and Americans, especially here in Berlin.
Last year I attended your traditional Goose Dinner for the first time. I appreciate the chance to be with you here again and to meet with so many people involved in the process of strengthening German-American business ties.
The Chamber and its members play a pivotal role in helping to define and address issues key to the success not just to our bilateral German-American economic relationship, but the German-American partnership as a whole. Our societies and our economies are closely connected through a complex web of commercial and investment links. Those ties -- business-to-business and people-to-people -- are the ties that bind.
And on that topic -- the ties that bind -- a great deal has happened since last year's Goose Dinner.
The War on Terrorism
As we have tragically learned, despite our success in routing out the al-Qaeda terrorists in Afghanistan, winning the war on terrorism will be a long struggle, requiring patience, perseverance and resolve.
Terrorism is not directed against a military, it is not just directed at America. It is directed against innocent people -- where they gather: in vacation resorts, on city buses, in theatres, on airplanes. It is directed against people in a way that undermines their security and destroys their confidence in the ability of the government to provide for its citizens. In addition, it is designed to undermine a nation's economy by spreading fear and uncertainty. It puts all of us at risk.
On September 12, President Bush went before the United Nations and challenged the Security Council to meet its responsibility to act against the threat to international peace and security posed by Iraq. The council's unanimous passage of Resolution 1441 was a historic step for the United Nations toward ridding Iraq of its weapons of mass destruction by peaceful means. That choice is now up to Iraq.
Seven weeks of consultation, debate and negotiation in the Security Council forged a deeper agreement and a stronger resolve among the world that Iraq must fully and finally disarm. The stronger the international community, the stronger the coalition, the more chance Iraq will recognize that the time has come to meet its obligation to the Security Council.
And as President Bush said on the weekend, Iraq's letters to the U.N. regarding inspections show that their attitude has been grudging and conditional. We will judge the honesty and completeness of the declaration that was presented on Saturday only after it has been thoroughly examined. That will take some time. The declaration must be credible and accurate and complete, or the Iraqi dictator will have demonstrated to the world once again that he has chosen not to change the defiant behavior he has exhibited.
Unfortunately, on the issue of Iraq, we have recently experienced a breach in the German-American relationship. The strain as a result of the recent German election was damaging to our relationship, and no one should underestimate that damage, and its consequences.
Just last week, during his visit to Berlin for meetings with German law enforcement officials, Congressman James Sensenbrenner noted that, "The burden is on Germany to restore the trust lost as a result of the election campaign." That sums up the current view in Washington pretty well.
Common Values
The history of the transatlantic relationship and the German-American partnership that was forged out of the ashes of World War II and the fragile peace of the post-war years is an example of how security interests can intersect -- it was a model for cooperation on multiple levels in multiple ways.
The Marshall Plan laid the foundation and opened the path for the historic reconstruction of this transatlantic relationship. It created a new post-war order in Western Europe and in Europe’s relationship to the United States. From the beginning, it was a joint European-American venture, one in which the participants worked cooperatively toward common goals of freedom and prosperity. The Marshall Plan explicitly tied reconstruction aid to European integration.
We believed integration was essential to generate the economic revival necessary to raise living standards and strengthen democratic institutions of government. This belief was based on an "inner faith" of Americans, influenced by our heritage of change and exploration, of union and federalism, and the mingling of people from different cultures and traditions. A heritage shaped in part by the European immigrants who came to America in search of political and economic liberty.
That support of the United States during the early years of European integration was crucial. Only by standing together in firm support of each other and our common goals were we successful in meeting the challenges of the last century.
However, despite the clear and unitary purpose presented by the Cold War, there were times of friction and differences of opinion. Varying perceptions of tactics and solutions, of motives and goals. History was not neat and tidy. German and American leaders had their share of disagreements and disappointments. They just didn’t have to explain everything on CNN or the Larry King show.
Twenty years ago, the U.S, Ambassador to Germany, Arthur Burns, described the world of international politics and diplomacy as "a world in which perception of facts often obscures the facts themselves." Ambassador Burns was concerned that the realities -- the hard facts -- of history were often forgotten, and that only perceptions remained. He was concerned about respecting what he called the boundary line between "sheer opinion and true knowledge" and the value of historical perspective. He wanted to make sure that the common values that bind the Atlantic alliance were understood and appreciated.
Today, we face overarching new challenges -- the frightening explosion of world-wide terrorism, the threat of the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and the need to deal with states that act in defiance of international norms. It is in our mutual interest to stand together now as we face these new 21st century threats to world order.
America has changed since that defining moment when the reality of terrorism shattered misperceptions that Americans held. Americans thought that terrorism was something that happened somewhere else, that terrorism was another event in another place, with, yes, disastrous consequences and tragic loss of life. But it hadn't come to our shore, it hadn't impacted us where we live and where we work. 9/11 shattered that misperception. As Arthur Burns said, "Sometimes perceptions have to be met with hard facts."
The "hard facts" of today require that we define anew how we deal with those states that produce weapons of mass destruction, how we combat terrorism, and how we measure the efficacy of international organizations.
But we also must look at new and better solutions to further the growth of democracy, prosperity and justice around the globe. Nations that share these goals must stand together.
A politically and economically strong U.S. and Germany, standing together, can greatly influence world events. Because our historical, cultural and commercial ties are so close and our objectives so similar, we have special responsibilities.
Shared Responsibility
Our shared history provides a model on how political and economic policies can successfully intersect and make a difference.
The United States and Germany are the first and third largest economies in the world. We should not wait to see how global economic growth lifts our economies out of the doldrums. Rather, we should be working together to see how Germany and the US together can fuel global growth.
One of the single most important objectives we can pursue jointly -- government to government and business to business -- is to enhance economic growth through liberalizing world trade. The more we expand trading networks with other nations, the more opportunities and better jobs we can create at home and abroad.
Why? Because expanded trade, through both imports and exports, expands well-being. The US experience clearly supports this conclusion. Foreign trade is even more important for Germany. Fully one third of Germany's GDP comes from trade compared to just one tenth in the US, and one in four German jobs depend on exports. But the benefits of free trade do not apply only to the US, Germany and other developed countries. Open trade is an important tool for economic development and the alleviation of poverty.
Trade is not just the exchange of imports and exports. Trade is about the exchange of ideas, the freedom to choose, to associate, to explore, and to grow. Trade is about democracy, liberty, and freedom -- the fundamental principles and conditions that found and sustain peace.
President Herbert Hoover, who also served as the first U.S. secretary of commerce, said, "Free speech does not live many hours after free industry and free commerce die." And the opposite is also true. With free commerce comes free expression, and with free expression comes pressure on governments to protect the freedoms we enjoy.
Our shared goal of promoting a more secure world recognizes the links between free trade and free societies. As we know from history, we all have a stake in development, opportunity, and democracy.
Doha Round
After September 11, one of the key economic priorities of the US Administration was to launch a new global trade round at the WTO Ministerial in Doha last November. Successfully concluding the Doha Round is one of the most significant steps countries can take to include the world's poor in an expanding circle of development.
What can we do to ensure that the Doha Round is a success? Close U.S.-EU cooperation was critical to launching WTO negotiations last November and will be vital to their future success. As the largest economy in Europe, Germany will play an important role in developing the EU positions for the agenda. We know that Germany, a nation of exporters, shares many of our objectives for Doha.
Allow me to stress one aspect of these negotiations. The US went to Doha last year with one priority. That was to get strong language in a mandate for agricultural negotiations in the WTO. Distortions in agricultural trade are a problem for meeting the goals of food security and development. The U.S. plan for export competition, market access and domestic support speaks to calls from developing countries for industrial countries to eliminate export subsidies that limit their chances to benefit from globalization.
Obviously, it is also in the U.S. interest, because we believe American farmers can compete if all countries remove their trade barriers. But this is no one-sided deal -- if other countries agree to this proposal, the US would also have to roll back the support we provide to our farmers. Germany has an important role to play on this issue.
We hope to work closely with Germany to convince the Commission and other member states that agricultural trade reform is essential for the successful conclusion of the Doha Round.
Biotechnology
Biotechnology is another important issue on our joint economic agenda
The benefits of biotechnology are being seen around the world, with more and more countries, especially developing countries, appreciating the great potential of this vital and safe technology. Gene technology has a still undreamed potential. It can add beneficial nutrients to a plant while removing harmful substances such as allergens -- with the kind of food that people in Asia and Africa can afford.
In addition, gene technology is beneficial to the environment. The amount of pesticides used for cultivation of genetically modified plants is reduced. Gene technology prevents soil erosion; it produces higher yields; and is drought resistant. Land use is more effective and productivity is higher -- crucial in developing countries and a source of hope for millions of impoverished people.
The ripple effects of the European Union's refusal to approve new, genetically-engineered products have blocked food distribution to starving people in the developing world. Despite the urgency of the need for food aid in drought-stricken southern Africa, Mozambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe have all raised concerns about accepting donations of genetically-modified corn. Their refusal to accept these products is based on concerns that the EU will bar imports of their agricultural products should they accept food aid from the United States. This corn is the same food that Americans eat daily, is safe and wholesome, and can make the difference between life and death for millions of southern Africa's poorest people.
Unfortunately, a preliminary reading of the agreement reached by EU environment ministers yesterday on new rules on the traceability and labeling of genetically modified foods is not encouraging.
Conclusion
Last month, I participated in a ceremony at the Marshall Center in Garmisch, the inauguration of a new Adenauer Hall.
Konrad Adenauer, the father of German democracy, was adamant about the necessity for continuing vigilance in defending the common goals and values that are the foundation of the transatlantic relationship. Those shared goals and values can help define the path we must take together in meeting the threats of the 21st century.
"Peace for a single human being is impossible without peace for the community. Peace for the individual is impossible without peace for his or her nation…But peace without freedom is no peace."
And so, the ultimate goal, and the ultimate reason we must work to forge an alliance between our two countries, is to protect and preserve our hard won freedom -- freedom to live, to work, to worship, to conduct our lives free from the tyranny of those who seek to destroy these most basic of all human endeavors.
This is not just a task for Americans. It’s a task for freedom-loving people from around the world -- joining together in a shared commitment -- acknowledging and successfully addressing the "hard facts" of this new century.
Thank you.
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The Ambassador
